Google Play : iBooks. Google Play : iBooks : Kobo. Posted by Melanie at AM 0 comments. Labels: C. Email This BlogThis! Here are some of the upcoming works by formerly featured DAC Authors.
The year in parentheses is the year the author was featured in the DAC. Posted by Qwill at AM 0 comments. James Jakins. Matt Moss. Pauline M Ross.
Labels: D. Holmberg , James Jakins , K. Bird Lincoln , M. Nintendo eShop on Nintendo 3DS Style Savvy: Styling Star — Make over up-and-coming singers, actresses and models to inspire them to stardom and awaken their inner fashionistas. Share your ideas online with other players and take the fashion world by storm! Posted by Qwill at PM 0 comments. Labels: Nintendo , Nintendo Download , video games. Thomas, as we have seen, sought to make the process comprehensible, but, as Briggs points out in his chapter, one of the dangers of making witchcraft fears seem rational is that we can 'over-explain' what occurred; any satisfactory account of early modern witchcraft must be able to explain its limited and sporadic impact and then the decline of witchcraft prosecution, as well as its incidence.
Thomas himself admitted that, given his interpretation, it is the decline of witchcraft that becomes 'baffling' p. Another consequence of Thomas' effort to see why witchcraft accusations were plausible to intelligent persons was his reluctance to take seriously the notion that factional disputes and the conscious manipulation of false accusations lay behind many cases.
John Bossy's penetrating review of Religion and the Decline of Magic encapsulated this approach in suggesting a further study entitled 'Religion and the Decline of Feud'! As Gregory, 'Witchcraft', 36 indicates, Bossy's own work on religion's changing role in concepts of good neighbourhood has been of crucial importance. Many of the later case studies of accusations have convincingly accounted for them precisely in terms of such factionalism, noting that those targeted as witches, though particularly vulnerable as individuals or perhaps presented as such in the stereotyped indictments or trial tracts were representatives of a rival group in a local power struggle.
However, as these studies also show, in these power struggles the accusation of witchcraft was not merely a rhetorical tool, because it often expressed a genuine belief by the accusers that their opponents stood for a dangerous principle threatening the community - which might indeed make them 'witch-like7 in their threat to social harmony.
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Again, it is easier to understand why Thomas sought to distance himself from the 'feuding' approach when we bear in mind his historiographical context. His emphasis on the genuineness of individual fears of witchcraft was a response both to rationalistic accounts of witchcraft as simply the product of manipulative conspiracies and, more particularly, the existing scholarship which presented witches as one of a number of interchangeable scapegoats sacrificed to partisan rivalry - a position particularly identified at that point with Trevor Davies' work on England and Trevor-Roper's European study.
As Religion and the Decline of Magic argues later p. This is particularly clear in Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed.
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Introduction 15 manipulating witchcraft pp. As Briggs notes, elite objections to witchcraft prosecutions often rested on the belief that they were simply the pursuit of local vendettas. Whatever the reason, Thomas' rejection of the model of witches as rebels or 'enemies of society' has put him at variance with a wave of studies, notably the work of Christina Larner, which have strongly restated the need to see witchcraft as a product of the ideological struggles and elite concerns of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when states or rulers under threat identified themselves with divine right and their opponents, internal and external, with diabolic wrong.
Religion and the Decline of Magic argues for its relevance to continental demonology, and assumes that such scapegoating of 'enemies within' was indeed widespread in England, but in the shape of anti-Catholicism not the persecution of witches pp. The chapters by Peter Elmer and Ian Bostridge in this collection both indicate that Thomas may have underestimated the potential of the witch stereotype in the minds of those who saw England, too, as a godly state under threat, especially in the mid and late seventeenth centuries.
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Thomas' emphasis on the witch as a threat to specific individuals, not society at large, reinforces, and is reinforced by, his emphasis on the individual accuser not the social process of prosecution. Only in one subset of witchcraft cases was Thomas prepared to look in detail at the ideological manipulation and implications of witchcraft, namely in the case of possession pp. Here the account is extremely thorough - as later studies have testified42 - and brings out the 41 42 Lamer, Enemies of God and Witchcraft and Religion', S.
Clark, 'Inversion, misrule and meaning of witchcraft', Past and Present, 87 , ; R. Walinski-Kiehl, '"Godly State": confessional conflict and witchhunting in early modern Germany', Mentalities, 5: 2 , Walker, Unclean Spirits Other excellent recent studies are D. Harley, 'Mental illness, magical medicine and the devil in northern England, ', in R.
French and A. Wear, eds. Holmes, 'Women, witnesses and witches', Past and Present, , ; F. Yet possession cases are discussed, not in the chapters on witches and their accusers, but in that on intellectual preconditions, so that this particular subset of cases is never fully integrated into the rest. This is a pity, not least because Thomas himself noted their vital role in fuelling legal doubts about witchcraft p. English possession cases led more often to specific witchcraft accusations than continental ones, so intensifying the link pp.
Possession cases are also usually the most fully documented - much more so than those of charity refused with which they can overlap, of course. If, as recent studies have suggested, possession cases were of particular importance to the educated groups who wanted to see the clear hand of the devil in witchcraft accusations, and yet were also cases in which the age, gender and social stereotypes of the witch were likely to break down, then they begin to take on a much more central place in the history of witchcraft than Religion and the Decline of Magic's presentation implies.
Again, Thomas noted this usage of witchcraft vocabulary see pp. Once again this is comprehensible in terms of his primary intention to render individual belief in witches plausible, not to explore its place in the cultural classifications of the day.
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One of the paradoxes of Religion and the Decline of Magic, given that it is often identified as primarily 'about' witchcraft beliefs, is that, of all the magical ideas discussed, the only one whose intellectual status is largely taken for granted, and whose metaphorical linkages with other systems of thought is not explored though see pp. Compared to the pioneering accounts of the nature of, and connections between, astrology, providence, prophecy etc.
In part this may be because a much fuller literature already existed on 43 See Karlsen, Devil, pp. Introduction 17 demonology than on the other systems of belief Thomas was studying. One of the standard criticisms of Religion and the Decline of Magic has been that its account of English witchcraft, by emphasising the contrast between the English and continental experience, rendered it, at best, irrelevant to continental studies and, at worst, flawed by its inability to explain both the similarities and contrasts between English history and that of the rest of Europe.
S e e , for example, Lamer, Enemies of God, p. Soman, Sorcellerie and Briggs, Communities of Belief Man and the Natural World appeared in French translation as early as ; only the chapter on 'witchcraft and its social environment' h a s appeared in G e r m a n in C.
Honneger, ed. I owe this last reference to Willem de Blecourt, who has also pointed out, quite correctly, that such translations indicate 'popular interest' rather than academic influence, given that most academics on the Continent would expect to use the English original. S e e , for example, the works referred to or not in Ladurie, Jasmin's Witch; R.
DuPont-Bouchet et al. His brief but highly perceptive comments on the medieval origins of the learned stereotype of the witch, and on the imposition of this stereotype through clerical and legal means, especially through inquisitorial methods, still provide a perfectly respectable summary of the subject pp. Thomas' concern, however, was to refute the attempt, above all by Robbins,52 to explain the rise in English witchcraft persecutions through a fusion of popular maleficia fears and the learned stereotype pp.
This Thomas found chronologically unconvincing, since neither the translation of demonological ideas into English, nor their further translation into statute law, occurred until the very end of the Elizabethan period, while most trial cases never invoked these aspects pp. As we shall see, it is possible, as Briggs and Sharpe argue, that Thomas overstated the contrast between a diabolical interpretation imposed from above and a maleficial concern felt from below pp. Indeed, Thomas may be said to have had the last laugh.
One of his positive observations about links between English and continental witchcraft was to suggest that endemic maleficial fears, and the model of charity refused, might be found to apply widely across the Continent, underlying the more spectacular outbreak of witch hunts pp. Recent scholarship, as Briggs and Behringer stress, has very much 50 51 52 53 R. Kieckhefer, European Witchcraft Trials ; E. Obelkevich, ed. Russell, A History of Witchcraft I owe this information to Gabor Klaniczay. Another Oxford historian to have applied Thomas fruitfully to central Europe is R.
Evans, Making of the Hapsburg Monarchy Oxford, , pp. Here Thomas was restating the central claim of Kittredge, Witchcraft. Introduction 19 vindicated this view, even for the French and German heartland.
soilstones.com/wp-content/2020-01-15/3029.php Furthermore, recent attention to the European 'periphery', such as the Baltic area and Eastern Europe, has produced a picture of persecution which is in many ways more akin to Thomas' England than to what was long taken to be the 'continental' norm from which England had deviated. Two issues are crucial here. The first concerns the hostility of the clergy both towards rival magical practitioners and to popular use of remedies outside the church's control.
Religion and the Decline of Magic repeatedly argues that the church's concern about these problems, and its efforts to use both courts and preaching to weaken its rivals, was a common thread linking the medieval and Reformation period56 and typical of both Catholic and Protestant churches, with no provable pattern of change that could account for the rise of witchcraft accusations, at least in England 54 55 56 Many earlier studies can now be conveniently explored in English in Ankarloo and Henningsen, eds.
Peter Burke makes the point about Thomas' work on pp.